一般說的零基礎都是一點基礎都沒有,或者是基礎薄弱的,這樣的一般都是教語音語調、音標、單詞和語法這些比較基礎的課程,然后再慢慢地難度加深,是有教學的體系的,要比自學好很多。
今天是周四, 又是雅思考試的日子.
昨天給幾個學生上完課后, 我只能祝福他們在今天的考試中考出好成績. 一路走下來, 我知道他們都走得很不容易. 自從他們決定備考雅思以后, 他們就放棄了學業(yè)和工作, 全身心地投入到這場沒有硝煙的戰(zhàn)場中, 從早到晚地學習, 包括記那無窮無盡的雅思詞匯, 做那一本本真題, 寫一篇篇被我改得 “滿目瘡橋痍” 的作文…… 由于他們的基礎不太好, 所以學起來會更加吃力. 百分之九十以上的學生在做雅思閱讀時根本沒有時間把文章讀完, 做題也只是匆忙地在文中找答案. 然而現在的雅思考試已經和幾年多少錢前的有很大的不同, 閱讀題也是一樣. 有部分題目是很容易定位找到答案的, 可是更多的, 卻是建立在理解的基礎之上. 很多學生最怕的就是匹配題(match), 因為這種題如果不深入地了解文章的一些細節(jié)是無法做出來的.
有時我真的很佩服自己的學生. 他們?yōu)榱丝己醚潘伎梢砸贿B幾個月甚至一年都很刻苦用功, 從早學到晚, 孜孜不倦. 英語哪怕我這么喜歡英語, 我想我也無法做到像他們那樣從早學到晚. 所以每當我一天教六七個小時甚至有時九個小時的課而感到很疲憊時, 一想到他們認真學習的身影, 我的精神又會煥然一新, 繼續(xù)投入到教學中. 看到他們桌上像小山般高的書, 我都感到有點恐怖. 我在同情和佩服他們時, 我也會很慶幸, 慶幸自己已經走過了他們現在正在走的苦路. 同時, 這也讓我的頭腦更加警醒: 學別的東西也像學英語一樣, 一旦當初不努力, 后面想要再補時, 要花費比別人多幾倍的功夫, 而且效果還沒有別人的好. 拿英語來說, 我最老的一個學生差不多四十歲了基礎. 他是一個相當勤奮的人, 為了考試把工作都辭了, 天天無比用功. 但是, 在同樣的學習方式下, 我明顯感覺到他的進步比不上和別的年輕的同學, 比如說一些大學生和高中生. 那一刻價格我才意識到, 學語言真的是越年輕越好. 一旦你錯過了學語言的那段黃金時期, 你后面要想達到同樣的水平, 就要比別人付出更多更多的努力.
其實不止是學三元語言, 學別的東西也一樣. 趁自己年輕多看書多學點東西, 一來可以為未來的成功鋪路, 二來也可以好好把握年輕的時光, 不讓它虛度, 趁這段黃金時期快速掌握更多的東西, 否則將來等費用自英語己橋上了一定的歲數再來學, 那就真的是事倍功半了.
看著學生用功的情景, 我也會想起自己大學五年學習英語的歲月. 說實話, 我想起自己以前學習的情景, 現在都會三元橋零基礎英語培訓多少錢感到有些 “后怕”. 可能比我刻苦用功的人很多, 但是對我本身來講, 我以前對英語的學習可以說是到達了極限了. 那時候用 “熱情如火” 或者是 “瘋狂” 來形容我的熱情, 真的是一點也不過分. 天天早晨我很早就起床去晨讀, 然后上一些不喜歡的或者沒用的課時, 我總是靜靜地坐在課室最后面看英語書; 下課了回到宿舍第一件事就是打看電腦聽英語新聞或者培訓看英語文零章; 晚上自習時總是背著一堆英語書; 深夜舍友都睡覺時, 我仍然在電腦前面寫文章和做翻譯…… 從早到晚, 我的腦子都被英語占據著. 那時候選了很多英語的選修課, 非常熱價格衷于英語口語和演講, 每次有機會總是主動上臺演講. 其實我也不知道自己講得好不好, 我也不怕別人笑話我, 我當時只想抓住每一個鍛煉的機會. 那種非常熱愛某項事業(yè)而且全身心地零投入的感覺, 沒有這種經歷的人是無法體會到的.
那時候為了將專業(yè)和英語結合起來, 我還買了許多專業(yè)的英文書來看, 記一些自己專業(yè)的術語和表達. 整個大學期間我費用買的書基礎幾乎百分之九十五都是和英語相關的. 那時候宿舍的地上的空地以及我的床頭和床上全是書, 一堆一堆的, 而且絕大部分是英語書, 像開書店一樣. 有一次一個朋友進我宿舍三元橋零基礎英語培訓費用看到琳瑯滿目的書時, 他驚嘆地說我就像是一個教授在搞研究. 等到本科畢業(yè)要搬宿舍時, 我要托運五大箱書回家, 幾乎全是英語書, 另外還扔了許多不看的書. 所以, 我在英語上投入的時間和金錢三元真的是 “不可估量”. 因此, 當有學生開玩笑地和我說: “老師, 怎么你的課收費這么高, 這么值錢啊?”時, 我會笑著對他說: “你沒有看到我以前的投資究竟有多大.”
現在再回想起那段歲月, 我一方面感到無悔, 另一方面也感到后怕, 因為現在要我再回到以前那種狀態(tài)已經是不可能的了. 我三元橋零基礎英語培訓價格明白, 如今英語已經成為我生命中的沉淀, 就好比一對戀人, 剛開始戀愛時會很癡狂, 可是隨時歲月的流逝, 兩個人的感情盡管還是如此的深, 可是已經不會再像年少時那般浪漫. 如今我也深深地愛著英語, 可是我卻無法像當年那般瘋狂. 我留給她的, 只有永遠不會磨滅的感激與深情. 我深信, 一路有她相伴, 不管我的人生遇到多少挫折與不順, 我都不會感到孤獨. 一個人在生活中有一個熱衷多少錢的興趣或培訓者愛好, 而且這個興趣和愛好可以為你的事業(yè)錦上添花時, 原來是最幸福的.
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Current woes call for smart reinvention not destruction
By Lawrence Summers
It would have been almost unimaginable five years ago that the Financial Times would convene a series of articles on “Capitalism in Crisis”. That it has done so is a reflection both of sour public opinion and distressing results on the ground in much of the industrial world.
Americans have traditionally been the most enthusiastic champions of capitalism. Yet, a recent public opinion survey found that among the US population as a whole 50 per cent had a positive opinion of capitalism while 40 per cent did not. The disillusionment was particularly marked among young people aged 18-29, African Americans and Hispanics, those with incomes under $30,000 and self-described Democrats.
Three elections in a row in the US have been, by recent standards, bloodbaths for incumbents. In 2006 and 2008 the left did well; in 2010 the right won comprehensively. But with the rise of the Tea Party on the right and the Occupy movement on the left, far more is up for grabs than usual in this election year.
So how justified is disillusionment with market capitalism? This depends on the answer to two critical questions. Do today’s problems inhere in the present form of market capitalism or are they subject to more direct solution? Are there imaginable better alternatives?
The spread of stagnation and abnormal unemployment from Japan to the rest of the industrialised world does raise doubts about capitalism’s efficacy as a promoter of employment and rising living standards for a broad middle class. The problem is genuine. Few would confidently bet that the US or Europe will see a return to full employment, as previously defined, within the next five years. The economies of both are likely to be demand constrained for a long time.
But does this reflect an inherent flaw in capitalism or, as Keynes suggested, a “magneto” problem – like the failure of a car alternator – that can be addressed with proper fiscal and monetary policies and which will not benefit from large scale structural measures. I believe the evidence overwhelmingly supports the latter. Efforts to reform capitalism are more likely to divert from the steps needed to promote demand than to contribute to putting people back to work. I suspect that if and when macro-economic policies are appropriately adjusted, much of the contemporary concern will fade.
That said, serious questions about the fairness of capitalism are being raised. These are driven by sharp increases in unemployment beyond the business cycle – one in six of American men aged 25-54 is likely to be out of work even after the economy recovers – combined with dramatic rises in the share of income going to the top 1 per cent (and even the top 0.01 per cent) of the population and declining social mobility. The problem is real and seems very unlikely to correct itself untended. Unlike cyclical concerns, there is no obvious solution at hand. Indeed, the observation that even Chinese manufacturing employment appears well below the level of 15 years ago suggests that the roots of the problem lie deep within the evolution of technology.
The agricultural economy gave way to the industrial one because progress enabled demands for food to be met by a small fraction of the population, freeing large numbers of people to work elsewhere. The same process is now under way with respect to manufacturing and a range of services, reducing employment prospects for most citizens. At the same time, just as in the early days of the industrial era the combination of substantial dislocations and greater ability to produce at scale is enabling a lucky few to acquire great fortunes.